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2012 lo Vajpayee asked CBN ....


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15 minutes ago, sairamnfdb said:

Again clarifying. CBN didn't bring Microsoft. They close it because Bangalore was costly , had traffic problem and real estate was cheap. They made sure they got everything for cheap and played CBN into doing that.

nee bongu lo clarification original ID tho vochi ivvu..

 

inka pothey - ilanti article vonda testha about how it actually started , what happened in that 45 minutes with Gates.. nuvvu nee articles... same article motham chaduvu..

by the way - neeku appudu work chesina IAS video cheppettina..

 

:giggle: - once again come with your original ID - not just when we talk about CBN/Microsoft... that too like merupu theega... nuvvu nee fake pakodi IDs

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11 minutes ago, TheBrahmabull said:

nee bongu lo clarification original ID tho vochi ivvu..

 

inka pothey - ilanti article vonda testha about how it actually started , what happened in that 45 minutes with Gates.. nuvvu nee articles... same article motham chaduvu..

by the way - neeku appudu work chesina IAS video cheppettina..

 

:giggle: - once again come with your original ID - not just when we talk about CBN/Microsoft... that too like merupu theega... nuvvu nee fake pakodi IDs

Only babori ni soosi bill gates and Microsoft Hyderabad ki vasthe , Mari Ade babori Ni soosi Malli Amaravati ki enduku raale vuncle. Lol. 

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17 minutes ago, TheBrahmabull said:

Arey item do you have any proofs that contradicts my info ?

Proof emundi ra Ayya....CBN was not instrumental in Abdul Kalam’s elevation as President. He deserved and there was a unanimous concern across party lines...

Deeentla proof evadiki kavali....Vajpayee/RSS/Allies ante Antha mazaak aipoinda ? Vajpayee’s association with Kallam dates back to 1970’s and most recently in 1996 when vajapyee became PM for first time. Apatiki CBN vennupotu kuda sarigga veyaledu...1994 lo India made a futile attempt to detonate nuclear bomb and apatike Vajpayee and whole of senior leadership was well known of Kalam including predessor PVNR.

CBN vachi chepithe kadu, Kalam had that stature and Vajpayee wanted to reward for his service...anduku President ayindu....chitter bus stand la pocket kottetodu, mama ki potu esetodu ekada, neethi ga rajakeeyam chese Vajpayee ekada...sadukunna saduvu ki, Desha we a chesina Kalam ni President chesindata CBN...

aSiggu vundali chepukonika jarra aina 

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Vajpayee ni ninda munchindi kuda CBN ae....early elections ki poindu daridrudu...

sympathy workout ayitadi anukuni, union Government ni kuda early elections ki call off iche dikkumalina idea ie sendraal di...

elections aipoinaka as usual BJP tho pothu valla odipoinam anta....ipudemo siggu lekunda vachi Kalam ni CBN sepithe Vajpayee President chesindata ani chepukuntunaru....A Vajpayee lantollani ninda munchina sangati marchipoinatu vunaru

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The morning of 10 June 2002 was like any other day in the beautiful environment of Anna University, where I had been working since December 2001. I had been enjoying my time in the large, tranquil campus, working with professors and inquisitive students on research projects and teaching. The authorized strength of my class was sixty students, but during every lecture, the classroom had more than 350 students and there was no way one could control the number of participants. My purpose was to understand the aspirations of the youth, to share my experiences from my many national missions and to evolve approaches for the application of technology for societal transformation through a specially designed course of ten lectures for postgraduate students.

What do I mean by national mission? I am referring to the space launch vehicle, SLV-3, the IGMDP (Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme), the 1998 nuclear tests, and the India 2020 report prepared by TIFAC (Technology Information, Forecasting and Assessment Council). All in all, these had a measurable impact on development and setting the growth trajectory of the nation. The objective of the SLV-3 programme was to launch a satellite indigenously for placing the 40 kg Rohini satellite in near-earth orbit. The satellite was intended for making ionospheric measurements. The IGMDP was intended to fulfil the need for force multiplier missile systems for national security, both tactical and strategic. The Agni V missile is its latest success. The nuclear tests were held on 11 and 13 May 1998. With these, India became a nuclear weapon state. TIFAC resulted in generating the road map for India to transform it into an economically developed nation by 2020.

It was my ninth lecture, entitled ‘Vision to Mission’, and it included several case studies. When I finished, I had to answer numerous questions and my class extended from a one-hour teaching session to two hours. After the lecture, I returned to my office, as on any other day, and had lunch with a group of research students. Prasangam, the cook, served us delicious food with a lot of smiles. After lunch, I prepared for my next class, and in the evening, I returned to my rooms.

As I was walking back, Prof A Kalanidhi, the vice chancellor of Anna University, joined me. He said that my office had received many telephone calls during the day and someone was frantically trying to get in touch with me. As soon as I reached my rooms, I found the telephone was ringing. When I answered, a voice on the other end said, ‘The prime minister wants to talk to you.’

While I was waiting to be connected to the PM, Chandrababu Naidu, who was the chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, called me on my cellphone. He told me to expect an important call from the prime minister, adding, ‘Please do not say no.’

While I was talking to Naidu, the call from Atal Bihari Vajpayee materialized.

He said, ‘Kalam, how is your academic life?’

'It is fantastic,’ I answered. Vajpayee continued, ‘We have some very important news for you. Just now, I am coming from a special meeting attended by leaders of all the coalition parties. We have decided unanimously that the nation needs you as its Rashtrapati. I have to announce this tonight. I would like to have your concurrence. I need only a “Yes”, not a “No”.’ Vajpayee, I might mention, was heading the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), a coalition of almost two dozen parties, and it was not always easy getting unanimity.

I hadn’t even had time to sit down after entering the room. Different images of the future appeared before me. One was that of being always surrounded by students and teachers. In the other, I was addressing Parliament with a vision for the nation. A decision matrix was evolving in my mind. I said, ‘Vajpayeeji (as I normally addressed him), can you give me two hours’ time to decide? It is also necessary that there be a consensus among all political parties on my nomination as presidential candidate.’

Vajpayee said, ‘After you agree, we will work for a consensus.’

Over the next two hours, I must have made thirty telephone calls to my close friends. Among them were people in academia and friends in the civil services and in politics too. One view that came across was that I was enjoying an academic life, which is my passion and love, and I shouldn’t disturb it. The second view was that this was an opportunity to put forth the India 2020 vision in front of the nation and Parliament, and that I must jump at it. Exactly after two hours, I was connected to the prime minister. I said, ‘Vajpayeeji, I consider this to be a very important mission and I would like to be an all-party candidate.’

He said, ‘Yes, we will work for it, thank you.’

The news travelled very fast indeed. Within 15 minutes, the news of my choice as presidential candidate was known throughout the country. Immediately, I was bombarded with an unmanageable number of telephone calls, my security was intensified and a large number of visitors gathered in my room.

The same day, Vajpayee consulted with Mrs Sonia Gandhi, the opposition leader, about the choice of candidate. When Mrs Gandhi asked whether the NDA’s choice was final, the prime minister responded in the affirmative. After due consultation with her party members and coalition partners, Mrs Gandhi announced the support of the Indian National Congress (INC) to my candidature on 17 June 2002. I would have loved to get the support of the Left parties also but they decided to nominate their own candidate. As soon as I agreed to be a candidate for the presidency, a huge number of write-ups began to appear about me. Many questions were raised by the media. In essence, they were asking, how could a non-political person, particularly a scientist, become president of the nation?
***

On 18 June, at my first press conference after filing the nomination papers for my candidacy as president, journalists asked many questions regarding the Gujarat issue (the state had been racked by riots and there were concerns about how these were handled), Ayodhya (the Ram Janambhoomi issue was always in the news), the nuclear tests and about my plans in Rashtrapati Bhavan. I mentioned that India needed an educated political class with compassion as the cornerstone of decision making. On the Ayodhya issue, I mentioned that what was needed was education, economic development and respect for human beings. With economic development, societal differences would also reduce. I also pledged that I would maintain simplicity amidst the pomp and glory of Rashtrapati Bhavan. As president, on any complex issue, I would consult the country’s leading constitutional experts. Decisions on issues such as President’s Rule would be made on the basis of what people needed, rather than on what a few people wanted.

When I returned from Chennai to my flat in Asiad Village in Delhi on 10 July the preparations were in full swing. Pramod Mahajan of the Bharatiya Janata Party was my election agent. I set up a camp office at the flat. It was  not a large flat but it had a certain flexibility. I set up a visitors’ room, the conference hall was made functional, and later even an electronic camp office was set up. All data from then on was transmitted electronically. A letter was drafted for MPs – Lok Sabha as well as Rajya Sabha, so close to 800 in all – giving them my vision as president and asking them to vote for me. This was based on Mahajan’s suggestion that I could send the letters without personally meeting the members of the electoral college from each state. As it turned out, I was declared elected on 18 July with a handsome margin.

There were appointments with visitors, of whom there was a stream all through the day, and interviews with media besides my own correspondence and travel. I enjoyed interacting with children and when there was time I would listen to their responses on various issues. Flat No. 833 in Asiad Village became a beehive of activity. Just drawing up the guest list for the swearing-in ceremony on 25 July was an exercise in itself. The Central Hall of Parliament can only accommodate 1,000 people. Aside from the MPs, office-bearers of the two Houses, bureaucrats from the home and other ministries, and guests of the outgoing president, KR Narayanan, there would be room only for a 100 guests. This we expanded to 150 or so. Who all would be in this 150 posed a problem. Family guests alone numbered thirty-seven. My old physics teacher, Prof Chinnadurai, was there, as was Prof KV Pandalai of the Madras Institute of Technology, Pakshi Venkatasubramaniam Sastrigal, chief priest of the Rameswaram temple, Imam Nurul Khuda, of the Rameswaram mosque, Rev AG Leonard, priest of the Rameswaram church, and the famous eye specialist, Dr G Venkataswamy, who started the Aravind Eye Institute. Also among the guests was the dancer Sonal Mansingh, as were industrialists, journalists, personal friends. In the guest list, uniquely, there were 100 children from all the states of the country, for whom there was a separate enclosure. They were put under the care of a senior aide. It was a hot day but everybody came formally dressed to attend the ceremony in the historic Central Hall.

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Instead of half botched articles,

why not read the whole thing from the man himself.

 

PMO was trying to reach Kalam Sir that day.

When he went out to receive the call, Naidu called him and during that call ABV called as well.

 

To say Naidu was the central figure in making Kalam Sir as President is far fetched just because he talked with him on that day when even the PM was trying to reach him.

 

Not saying Naidu did not push the candidature through. Unless some one from the then PMO confirms it, seems like a collective decision and Naidu wanted to impress on Kalam Sir the importance NDA was giving him.

 

Lokesh Babu is massaging the truth, just like his dad did many times.

 

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53 minutes ago, prasadr said:

Instead of half botched articles,

why not read the whole thing from the man himself.

 

PMO was trying to reach Kalam Sir that day.

When he went out to receive the call, Naidu called him and during that call ABV called as well.

 

To say Naidu was the central figure in making Kalam Sir as President is far fetched just because he talked with him on that day when even the PM was trying to reach him.

 

Not saying Naidu did not push the candidature through. Unless some one from the then PMO confirms it, seems like a collective decision and Naidu wanted to impress on Kalam Sir the importance NDA was giving him.

 

Lokesh Babu is massaging the truth, just like his dad did many times.

 

Probably the best version of the truth and events that transpired that day.

Every one is using it for their own adventure in this DB 

Sad

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This was time when the nation was shamed by the demon modi through gujarat riots. PRegnant women were raped and foetus murdered on tip of sword with slogans of "jai shri ram" by so called hindu groups. one lakh muslims had to live in camps right in their own state capital for a year. Imagine one lakh people in vijaywada or hyd living in camps due to communal violence. Vajpayee was getting external pressure and shamed by international diplomats. It hurt as he fancied himself as a statesman on international platform. Then it was CBN who suggested and insisted on APJ and it was immideately seen as brilliant by vajpayee as it will blunt some of the criticis, against india. The rest is history.

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47 minutes ago, lovemystate said:

his was time when the nation was shamed by the demon modi through gujarat riots.

 

All we remember is a man who was in charge of state where 60 Hindu women & Children were burnt to death by Islamic b@stards.

You may chose to remember it differently but SC has already given their judgements on the Godhra massacre of Hindu Children.

 

But then some b@stards don't trust the courts and proofs - nothing much can be done about these b@stards.

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1 minute ago, prasadr said:

 

All we remember is a man who was in charge of state where 60 Hindu women & Children were burnt to death by Islamic b@stards.

You may chose to remember it differently but SC has already given their judgements on the Godhra massacre of Hindu Children.

 

But then some b@stards don't trust the courts and proofs - nothing much can be done about these b@stards.

Turaks attricities dorsnotatter to @lovemystate ki . Anitiki Hindus culprits antadu 

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3 hours ago, sattipandu said:

Probably the best version of the truth and events that transpired that day.

Every one is using it for their own adventure in this DB 

Sad

Not everyone, just a group of weird people

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Errinayalu brain anedhi arikaalu lo undhi eediki ayna adhi kalam puttinaroju poi kalam desam ki em chesadu ayna achievements enti ani cheppali e panikimalina edhava poi vella dabba kottukuntunad kalam ni president evaru chesaru ani.Eedu cbn ni minchipoyad dabba kottukotam lo

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